By Barbara L. Voss
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Within the southern Maya lowlands, rainfall supplied the first and, in a few components, the one resource of water for individuals and plants. vintage Maya kings subsidized complex public rituals that affirmed their shut ties to the supernatural international and their skill to intercede with deities and ancestors to make sure an enough volume of rain, which was once then kept to supply water through the four-to-five-month dry season.
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Additional resources for The Archæology of Ethnogenesis: Race and Sexuality in Colonial San Francisco
Before the 1960s, ethnic groups were generally viewed as static reﬂections of shared cultural norms such as language, traditions, ancestry, and territory. Ethnicities were viewed as inherently inwardlooking and tradition-bound, which lent support to political arguments that ethnic a‹liations were barriers to modernization and progress. 8 Barth’s Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (1969) powerfully inverted conventional views of ethnicity. Societies, he argued, are inherently polyethnic. Ethnic groups develop not in isolation but through intense, ongoing interaction.
On the other hand, ethnic types are also developed through the eªorts of governments to manage their national subjects (Verdery 1994:37). But ethnicities also work against nationalities and nationalisms when groups assert ethnic solidarities to claim rights and recognition within or across national boundaries (Calhoun 1993:211). Nationality and nationalism, then, must be seen as a particular form of social identity diªerentiated by its association with or aspiration to the modern territorial state and the political apparatus of governmentality (Calhoun 1993; Ericksen 1993; Kohl 1998; Pels 1997).
S. colonization of the American Southeast, notes how Native Americans claimed “forms of diªerentiation [that] were imposed ‘from above’ . . as part of processes of asserting their own interests and of resisting—and colluding with, evading, and accommodating to—domination” (1994:112). Of indigenous responses to the Spanish conquest of the Americas, Michel de Certeau writes that “they [the Indians] subverted them [colonial regimes] not by rejecting or altering them, but by using them with respect to ends and references foreign to the system they had no choice but to accept.